After a host of discussions and analyses of what ultimately constitutes the British initiative, British High Commissioner Stephen Lily opens his cards, rejecting that the UK is discussing a confederation and a two-state solution.
“We are talking about informal ideas, not a solid plan, and this is not what various circles have tried to describe. These ideas fall within the entirety of the UN agreed framework for a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality, which frankly is the only viable way out,” explains Steven Lily.
He notes that “it is not enough to repeat the term ILO as a mantra or a slogan. We need to focus on the detail of implementing such a solution” and makes it clear that the UK is largely discussing the decentralized federation.
As he says meaningfully, such a proposal is not controversial since it is an idea put forward by Anastasiades himself.
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–Much has been said and written in recent months about the British initiative on the Cyprus issue by everyone except your side. Is this not the time to clarify what your proposal actually contains?
Lily:–I want to be absolutely clear that there is no British proposal or plan or model or whatever anyone wants to say it on the table. It is true that we have been very active diplomatically, which should not be surprising, because we are a guarantor power, a pen-holder in the Security Council and we maintain friendly relations with both communities in Cyprus. We all recognize that after the Turkish Cypriot elections last year, we are in a new phase of international activity on the Cyprus issue. We have had several visits to the island and the region by British ministers and senior officials. We used these meetings to share ideas in an effort to encourage the resumption of negotiations. We are talking about informal ideas, not a solid plan, and this is not what various circles have tried to describe. These ideas fall in their entirety within the agreed framework under the UN for a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality, which frankly is the only viable way out. At the same time it is not enough to repeat the term ILO as a mantra or a slogan. We must focus on the detail of implementing such a solution.
–There is great concern on the Greek Cypriot side that these British ideas may lead to sovereign equality. Do you think that this kind of solution is the only way out of the current situation/stalemate on the Cyprus issue?
Lily:–We do not support a two-state solution, if that is what you mean. There is no support for this model from either the Greek Cypriots or the international community. We are talking about a largely decentralized federation, which I do not think is controversial, since this is an idea put forward by President Anastasiades himself. It deserves further discussion, because it would allow the two communities a high degree of autonomy in relation to their daily lives, and would maintain Cyprus as an internationally recognized, sovereign state. In my mind, this strikes a proper balance between the Greek Cypriot need for the transformation of the Republic of Cyprus, founded in 1960, and the desire of Turkish Cypriots to have control over most of their internal affairs.
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Behind these concerns is your statement that the two sides must cover an equal distance from their positions. It was interpreted as a new model between the IDO and the two-state solution…
Lily:- When I said to bridge the gap, I was referring to the mistrust and lack of communication that prevailed after the failure in Crans Montana, and which worsened after the Turkish Cypriot elections. Despite the differences in their positions, the parties have to talk, otherwise, we will never have negotiations. We have never advocated sharing the gap between the IRS and the two-state solution, it is impossible. The IIA with political equality is already a compromise between a unitary state and two states. It is described in numerous UN Security Council Resolutions, which incidentally we draft, and which provide excellent foundations for building a detailed and compact final agreement.
–Your ideas were presented to the National Council and, according to the Greek Cypriot negotiator, the problematic elements were the following: equal inherent rights, co-founders and co-owners, the report that no entity will be able to exert sovereignty over the other and that there will be two states internally and one external. Can you explain what you mean by this terminology?
Lily:–I was not present at the National Council, so I do not know what was said there. You present it as if this list of phrases were a British framework and I must stress that it is not. I am not going to analyse the list point by point, moreover, Mr Kasoulides has already done so in an interview with your newspaper, in which he stressed that some of these points are not new or controversial. Nor is the phrase “two states internally, one external” anything new to me. We will have in one hand an internationally recognized federal state to handle international relations such as diplomacy and defence and some other necessary powers to ensure the integrity and functionality of Cyprus as a sovereign state. And in the other hand we will have two constituent states to deal with most of the issues that affect people’s daily lives, e.g. the areas of health, transportation, etc. This is the IDO. With regard to the phrase ‘no entity shall be able to exercise sovereignty over the other’, what is the alternative? That one community will be able to exercise sovereignty over the other? It was already agreed in the Joint Declaration of 2014 that sovereignty stems equally from Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots.
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Flexibility needed
–The Greek Cypriot side stresses that we need to start from where we stayed in Crane Montana. Is this approach realistic or not?
Lily:–The attempt to restart from where Crane Montana ended up is a recipe for long and fruitless discussions. But there is a backbone of work done to get to Crane Montana, as well as the six-point framework of the UNSS, and we can still build and develop on them. We need flexibility and creativity and we need to focus on the difficult points that contributed to Crane Montana’s failure, namely security and guarantees, as well as the detailed model of power-sharing. We cannot exclude any ideas that are within the parameters of the UN.
–How do you explain the fact that all political parties – perhaps except the ruling one – have strong objections to British ideas?
Lily:–It is unfortunate that some people insist on claiming that we are promoting a confederation because we are not doing so. A confederation is a union between two sovereign states, a two-state solution and therefore outside the framework for Cyprus. The decentralized federation remains a federation, which means an internationally recognized personality. Of course, there are people in Cyprus who will criticize what we say, even if we did not say so.
Scotland and Cyprus cannot be compared
I still believe that with energy, creativity, flexibility and political will, a solution to the Cyprus problem is possible. The UK will support all efforts in this direction.
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–Nicos Anastasiades compared your ideas to Scotland’s demand for secession. Is this statement accurate?
Lily:–Scotland and Cyprus cannot be compared. In the U.N. there is no federation, but a unique system of devolution, which reflects in our own history and the corresponding political circumstances. We have never suggested a copy of this model. There are, however, some aspects of the delegation of powers that are worth considering, such as the sharing of powers between communities in Northern Ireland. On secession, the big question is what happens if the new federal Cyprus collapses. I don’t think so likely, but there are people who are worried about it. Will the Turkish Cypriots be left out of the way? Will Cyprus be expelled from the UN like the former Yugoslavia? It is necessary to discuss this issue in order to find satisfactory arrangements that give each community the appropriate safeguards.
–You are criticized by the Greek Cypriot side that the texts you prepared, as pen-holder of the S.A. on the Cyprus issue, were very mild towards Turkey’s decisions that violate the status and Resolutions on Varosi…
Lily:–Our position on Varosha is clear. It is expressed in the statement we issued after President Erdogan’s visit in July and is reflected in the U.N. Presidential Declaration and the SAA Resolution, which we have authored and fully support. The U.S. is not the problem in Varosha, although it is convenient for some to say otherwise. We need Turkey to comply with the relevant resolutions, so that the city becomes a bridge for the solution of the Cyprus problem, instead of being an obstacle.
–The U.N. is accused of trying to include in the resolution positions that meet the demands of the Turkish side during the debate on the renewal of UNFICYP’s mandate…
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Lily:–I repeat, we must go beyond the thoughts and slogans around the IRS and go into the detail of the application. The federal model is very flexible and there are options for its implementation in Cyprus. We need to use a little imagination and creativity to serve the interests of the two communities, including the need for security. This can be achieved within the existing parameters, we do not need to extend them and we have never tried to do that. I don’t understand why some people find it difficult to realize it. Do they not want to convince the Turkish Cypriots that it is still worth discussing an IRS solution?
–What is your general assessment of the current situation? Are we at an impasse or is there an optimistic alternative to resuming negotiations?
Lily:–I have to be honest. The current situation is worrying. Time does not work in favor of those who want a solution to the Cyprus problem but supports those who are satisfied with partition. At the same time, as diplomats, we have a tendency to be optimistic, even in difficult circumstances. I still believe that with energy, creativity, flexibility, and political will, a solution to the Cyprus problem is possible. The UK will support all efforts in this direction. I have said repeatedly that only reunited will Cyprus be able to develop its full potential. The last word, however, belongs to the Cypriots about what is to come.
